A week of confusion in Washington
By Tim Shorrock
On Monday morning, as military tensions between North Korea and the United States appeared to reach a breaking point, Pyongyang’s Foreign Minister Ri Yong-ho went before television cameras in front of his hotel in New York City.
Incensed that President Trump had followed last week’s bombastic speech to the UN by tweeting that North Korean leaders “may not be around much longer,” Ri told reporters that Trump had “declared war” on his country. If a state of war existed, he added, North Korea reserved the right to “make countermeasures, including the right to shoot down United States strategic bombers even when they are not inside the airspace border of our country.”
That, of course, was a reference to the Pentagon’s September 23 flight of US B1-B bombers off North Korea’s east coast, and sparked another round of US media speculation about Kim Jong Un’s military intentions and capabilities. Coming after Ri’s declaration that North Korea was considering testing a hydrogen bomb over the Pacific Ocean, they appeared to escalate tensions even more and worried long-time observers of North Korea.
“That’s not the Ri Yong-Ho I know, and I negotiated with him for years,” Joseph DeTrani, a former CIA proliferation expert who met with Ri many times as special envoy to the Six Party Talks during the Bush administration, told Newstapa. Negotiations, not military conflict, “are the only way to resolve” this crisis, he said.
But DeTrani recalled, with some anger, several incidents in the past when the North had taken military action, including its shootdown in 1969 of a US EC-121 reconnaissance plane that killed 31 Americans on board (according to newly released US documents, that incident almost led President Richard Nixon to retaliate with nuclear weapons – but in the end, he did nothing).
DeTrani, who visited Pyongyang several times on behalf of the Obama administration, was one of about 150 people gathered at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), an influential military think tank, to hear an address by South Korean Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha. In her speech, Kang agreed with US officials who believe that North Korea’s nuclear program has reached, in her words, “a tipping point.”
“Pyongyang seems fast approaching its stated goal of having nuclear-tipped ICBMs capable of targeting the continental U.S.,” she said. As President Moon Jae-in warned CSIS during his visit to Washington in June, she reiterated that “there cannot be another war on the Korean Peninsula” and pledged to take “public diplomacy and outreach” to “a whole new level.” Kang’s appearance seemed to solidify CSIS’s role as an unofficial liaison between Washington and Seoul. That relationship could become official when Victor Cha, CSIS’s Korea Chair, is named US ambassador to South Korea, as expected.
But given the policy differences between Moon and Trump and the constant disagreements within the US administration itself about how to deal with North Korea, it’s easy to see why Ri and the North Korean leadership might be confused about America’s intentions.
Their confusion was apparent on Tuesday, when the Washington Post reported from Switzerland that senior North Korean officials “have been quietly trying to arrange talks with Republican-linked analysts in Washington, in an apparent attempt to make sense of President Trump and his confusing messages to Kim Jong Un’s regime.” As one of those Republicans told the Post, “their number-one concern is Trump. They can’t figure him out.”
Among the Americans contacted were Bruce Klinger, a former CIA analyst who runs North Korea programs for the right-wing Heritage Foundation, and Douglas Paal, who once worked as an Asian analyst for the Reagan and Bush administrations. Paal chaired a meeting last week at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace where two Japanese experts warned that the Abe government must be included in any US negotiations with North Korea (I covered it for Newstapa). Neither Klinger or Paal accepted Pyongyang’s invitation, according to the Post.
At another CSIS seminar on Tuesday, Sue Mi Terry, a former senior Korea analyst for the CIA who was the Korea Director for President Bush’s National Security Council, said she met with North Korean official in Sweden this past summer. While they said de-nuclearization was “off the table,” Terry said, the officials “were willing to meet to discuss a peace treaty.” But that idea has been rejected by the US government, largely because it’s seen as a strategy to “get the US to pull out troops” from South Korea, she said. But she was critical of Trump’s tweets about North Korea and his rhetoric at the UN, which she called “counterproductive.”
At the CSIS forum where Kang spoke, there was more talk of Trump’s UN speech. “It’s very important to lower the temperature,” said Madeleine Albright, the former US Secretary of State who in 2000 became the highest-level US official to ever visit Pyongyang. She took issue with US officials and pundits who claim that the Clinton administration’s 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea was a failure. Under that agreement, North Korea “made no new fissile material, no ICBMs and no missiles,” she said. During her talks with former leader Kim Jong Il, she added, Kim said “we could keep US forces in South Korea.”
Trump’s rhetoric has also raised concerns for US public. On Monday, CBS News published a new poll showing that 53 percent of Americans were concerned that Trump might act too quickly “and start an unneeded war in Korea.” According to CBS, “a majority disapprove of President Trump’s handling of the [North Korea] situation, and more voice concern that the U.S. would go to war too quickly than too slowly.”
북한과 미국 간 군사적 긴장이 한계점에 다다랐던 지난 9월 25일 아침, 리용호 북한 외무상은 숙소인 뉴욕의 한 호텔 앞에서 기자회견을 열었다.
지난주 트럼프 미국 대통령이 유엔총회에서 강경 발언을 한 데 이어 지난 23일에도 트위터를 통해 북한 지도자들이 “오래 가지 못할 것”이라고 공언한 데 대해 격분한 리용호 외무상은 기자들에게 트럼프가 북한에 “명백한 선전포고를 했다”고 밝혔다. 그는 또 미국이 선전포고를 한 이상 북한은 “미국 전략 폭격기들이 (북한의) 영공선을 채 넘어서지 않는다고 해도 이미 쏘아 떨굴 권리를 포함해서 모든 자위적 대응 권리를 고려하게 될 것”이라고 덧붙였다.
리 외무상은 9월 23일 미 국방부가 미 공군 전략폭격기 B1-B를 북한 동해로 출격시킨 사실을 언급한 것으로, 이 때문에 미국 언론에서는 김정은의 군사적 의도와 역량에 대한 추측이 난무했다. 리 외무상이 태평양상 수소 폭탄 실험 가능성을 언급한 이후 미국 언론은 한층 더 긴장을 고조시키면서 오랫동안 북한을 지켜봐 온 관찰자들을 걱정시켰다.
부시 정부 당시 6자회담 미국 측 특사를 지낸 전직 CIA 핵확산문제 전문가 조셉 디트라니(Joseph DeTrani)는 뉴스타파와의 인터뷰에서 “저건 내가 수년간 협상을 하며 알아온 리용호가 아니다”라고 말했다. 그는 특사 자격으로 리 외무상을 여러 차례 만난 적이 있다. 그는 군사적 충돌이 아닌 협상이 이 위기를 “해결할 수 있는 유일한 방안”이라고 말했다.
그러나 디트라니는 과거 북한이 군사적 조치를 취했던 여러 사건을 분노와 함께 상기했다. 그중에는 지난 1969년에 북한이 미군 정찰기 EC-121기를 격추시키며 승무원 31명이 전원 사망한 사건도 포함됐다(최근에 공개된 미국 정부 문건에 따르면, 이 정찰기 격추사건으로 인해 당시 리처드 닉슨 미국 대통령이 핵무기를 사용한 보복을 할 뻔했지만 결국 무산됐다는 사실이 밝혀졌다.).
오바마 정부 시절에도 미국 정부를 대표해서 수차례 평양에 방문한 디트라니는 지난 26일 영향력 있는 군사싱크탱크 CSIS(Center for Strategic and International Studies; 전략국제연구센터)에서 있었던 강경화 외교부 장관의 기조연설을 듣기 위해 모인 150명의 사람들 중 하나였다. 강 장관은 북한의 핵 실험이 “한계점에 도달했다”고 표현함으로써 이 같은 생각에 동의하는 미국 정부 관계자들과의 공감을 표시했다.
강 장관은 “북한이 미 대륙에 도달할 수 있는 핵탄두 탑재 ICBM(대륙간탄도미사일) 완성 목표에 빠르게 다가서고 있다”고 말했다. 지난 6월 문재인 대통령이 방미 중 CSIS에 말한 것처럼, 강 장관은 “한반도에서 두 번 다시 전쟁이 있어서는 안 된다”며 “공공외교와 소통을 완전히 새로운 차원으로 올려놓겠다”고 약속했다. 이번 행사에 강 장관이 참석함으로써 CSIS는 미국과 한국 간 비공식 연락창구로서의 입지를 굳힌 것으로 보였다. 이 관계는 빅터 차 현 CSIS 한국석좌가 예상됐던 것처럼 주한미국대사로 임명될 경우 공식화될 것으로 보인다.
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